United States Representative Doug Lamborn (R-CO), Ranking Member of the Subcommittee on Strategic Forces, delivered the following opening statement at a hearing exploring the policies, programs and priorities associated with the United States strategic forces.
Rep. Lamborn's remarks as prepared for delivery:
Mr. Chairman, thank you for organizing today's hearing. The backdrop of this hearing is Russia's ongoing invasion of Ukraine, which will be top of mind for all of us today. Thank you to our witnesses, Secretary Baker, Admiral Richard, General Dickinson, and General Van Herck for taking the time to appear before this subcommittee today.
In this forum a year ago, we all lamented the degree to which the global security environment was deteriorating. Admiral Richard, I recall that you went to great lengths giving your best military advice as to how we must deter two nuclear peer adversaries at the same time. It was a sobering hearing. In just ten months since that hearing, the global security environment has become exponentially worse. China and Russia are seeking to exploit our weaknesses, and we can't let our guard down.
As Russian forces massed on the Ukrainian border, Putin oversaw a strategic nuclear forces exercise designed to intimidate Europe and the United States. In his words, the intent was to threaten "consequences you have never faced in your history" for "anyone who tries to interfere with us." The next day as Ukrainian troops valiantly repelled Russian advances, Putin directed the elevation in the readiness posture of his nuclear forces. Russia is being run by a despot detached from reality with up to 2,000 nuclear warheads that are not accountable under the New START Treaty. Russia may be willing to say "a nuclear war cannot be won, so it must never be fought" but I'd remind my colleagues Putin also said he had "no intention of invading Ukraine."
Since last year, the strategic threat posed by China has also metastasized. We now know that China intends to have AT LEAST 1000 nuclear warheads by 2030; they conducted a hypersonic fractional orbital bombardment test that surprised the world; and have constructed new ICBM fields that are sprouting like weeds. These new ICBM fields, along with new Chinese road-mobile systems and hypersonic delivery systems, significantly increase the number of targets STRATCOM must hold at risk, and complicate the detection and warning problem for our missile defense capabilities.
With everything else going on, North Korea launched a ballistic missile last week. It barely even made the news, but there is press reporting that the test had applications for a space launched capability. If true, this represents a significant threat to our homeland, and the Missile Defense Review must continue the longstanding commitment to outpace the North Korean threat to the homeland and get the Next Generation Interceptor to Initial Operating Capability as soon as possible.
To complicate matters further, China and Russia have demonstrated ability and intent to weaponize and militarize space. Russia's recent anti-satellite weapon test generated debris that threatens humans lives on orbit and shows that Space is no longer free from threat and militarization. China's demonstration of space warfare concepts is equally disturbing, as they recently demonstrated the capability to engage and remove satellites from their operational orbits. The open demonstrations of these abilities are intended as a direct warning to the west.
Secretary Baker, given these dynamics, I can't see how the Nuclear Posture Review could recommend anything less than the current nuclear triad modernization plan. If President Biden sheds nuclear capabilities, as has been reported, I predict bipartisan opposition in the House and Senate will override it and continue to fund these systems. This includes the sea-launched nuclear cruise missile or SLCM-N, B83 gravity bomb, and W76-2 warhead. Not doing so will cause allies to question our strategic deterrent. This cannot happen – especially not now.
Additionally, any weakening or changes in U.S. nuclear declaratory policy must be explicitly taken off the table. Europe is embroiled in the largest war since World War II, and Ukraine faces an existential threat. We cannot risk dividing NATO at this precarious time. I implore you, listen to our allies and maintain the current strong, American-led strategic deterrence posture. We can no longer attack our deterrence problems in isolation, and it is vital that we provide to this nation with viable options to deter or defeat our adversaries across strategic domains.
Thank you again to our witnesses for joining us this morning.
My Chairman, I yield back.
